Mali Under Siege: Al-Qaeda and Separatists Launch Largest Coordinated Attack in the Country’s History
A growing terrorist coalition in Mali, comprising FLA-JNIM
The expanding militant alliance in Mali, made up of FLA and JNIM, has not yet reached the level of ISIS at its height in 2014. However, JNIM is steadily weakening the Malian state from within by blocking fuel supplies, taxing rural populations, coordinating with separatist forces, and positioning itself for negotiations rather than outright takeover.
On April 25, 2026, Mali experienced the largest coordinated jihadist assault in its history. Two groups, the al Qaeda linked Jamaat Nusrat al Islam wal Muslimin and the Tuareg separatist Azawad Liberation Front, launched simultaneous attacks stretching from the capital, Bamako, to the northern city of Kidal, about 1,500 kilometers away.
This attack comes amid a broader surge in violence across the Sahel region, which now leads the world in terrorist activity. The region, which includes Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad, accounted for more than half of all terrorism related deaths globally in 2025. Less than twenty years ago, that figure was under one percent.
A series of military coups since 2020 pushed out Western and United Nations counterterrorism forces and replaced them with Russian mercenaries. This shift has accelerated the breakdown of government control in rural areas, allowing militant groups to expand their influence. During the April 25 assault, attacks were reported in Bamako, Kati, Sevare, Mopti, Gao, and Kidal, covering nearly the entire country.
Shortly before 5:20 in the morning, explosions and heavy gunfire were reported near Kati, home to the main military base and the residence of junta leader General Assimi Goita. A suicide bomber drove a vehicle packed with explosives into the home of Defense Minister Sadio Camara. He survived the initial blast but later died from his injuries. His second wife and two grandchildren were also killed.
Camara was a central figure in building Mali’s security partnership with Russia. He played a key role in bringing in Russian mercenaries, removing UN forces, and securing military support and equipment from Moscow.
In Bamako, heavy gunfire broke out near the international airport, roughly 15 kilometers from the city center. Flights were canceled, and the US Embassy advised Americans to remain indoors. Authorities imposed a 72 hour curfew from 9 p.m. to 6 a.m.
In the north, the Azawad Liberation Front claimed control of Kidal within the first hour of fighting. Government troops and Russian Africa Corps forces withdrew from multiple northern locations, including Kidal, Aguelhok, Tessalit, Tessit, and Ber. Kidal had previously been retaken in November 2023 with Russian support and was considered a major victory for the junta. Its loss now undermines claims that closer ties with Russia improved security.
A spokesman for the Azawad Liberation Front said the operation had been carefully planned and coordinated with JNIM over several months. A field commander stated that their goal was to cut off key roads, capture Gao, and eventually move toward Timbuktu.
At the same time, fighters from the Islamic State Sahel Province entered the northeastern town of Menaka near the Niger border. They set up checkpoints while Malian troops pulled back to a nearby base. No direct fighting was reported. JNIM and this Islamic State affiliate have been fighting each other since 2019, with more than 2,100 killed in clashes. Their parallel advances highlight the military’s inability to contain either group.
The April 25 offensive followed months of growing pressure. On March 22, the junta had reached a hostage agreement with JNIM that included a pause in attacks on fuel convoys. Despite this, the offensive was launched while that agreement was still in place. On March 31, separatist fighters used drones to strike a joint Russian Malian base. JNIM has carried out nearly 100 drone attacks since 2023, showing a steady increase in its capabilities.
Beginning in September 2025, JNIM escalated attacks on fuel shipments, targeting tankers and blocking supply routes from Senegal and Cote dIvoire, leading to major fuel shortages. In July, the Macina Liberation Front, a key member of the JNIM coalition, launched seven coordinated attacks across western Mali. In August, JNIM struck army positions in the Segou region, drawing condemnation from the African Union.
General Goita did not appear publicly until April 29, four days after the attacks. Photos were released showing him meeting with Russian Ambassador Igor Gromyko. He later stated that the situation was under control and promised to eliminate the groups responsible. His absence had raised questions about the stability of the military government. Independent analysts say the army is now fragmented, with commanders negotiating independently rather than operating under a unified structure.
A JNIM spokesman released a video warning of a full siege of Bamako, calling the attacks retaliation for government drone strikes and declaring that the capital was effectively cut off.
Russia’s Defense Ministry claimed its forces helped prevent a coup and inflicted heavy losses on insurgents, though this has not been verified and conflicts with reports of withdrawals in the north.
Analysts see similarities with developments in Syria, where a coalition linked to al Qaeda evolved into a governing force after toppling the government in 2024. JNIM appears to be following a similar path, combining military pressure with efforts to gain political influence rather than seeking immediate full control.
In areas under its influence, JNIM already operates as a governing authority, enforcing its version of religious law, collecting taxes, and restricting activities such as music, alcohol consumption, and dress codes.
The Africa Center for Strategic Studies warns that the insurgency now exceeds the capacity of Mali’s military and poses a growing threat to neighboring coastal countries. The April 25 attacks are part of a sustained campaign targeting the country’s security structure, with no clear signs of slowing down.
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